Africa

Le Bénin a remporté sa toute première médaille continentale en tir à l'arc dans l'épreuve féminine par équipes, à l'occasion de la 15ᵉ édition du Championnat d'Afrique de tir à l'arc. Les archères béninoises ont obtenu la médaille d'argent en arc classique 70 mètres lors de la compétition organisée du 22 au 26 juillet 2026 au Village Méditerranéen d'Oran, en Algérie.

Cette performance marque une étape importante dans le développement du tir à l'arc béninois. Engagée pour la première fois dans cette épreuve, la sélection féminine a réalisé un parcours remarquable en atteignant la finale, offrant ainsi au Bénin sa première récompense continentale dans cette catégorie.
L'équipe était composée de Tatiana Amoussou-Guinnou, Edouardine Gbaguidi et Merveille Zinsou. Les trois archères ont su enchaîner des prestations solides face à des adversaires expérimentées, démontrant leur maîtrise technique, leur régularité et leur cohésion tout au long de la compétition.

La 15ᵉ édition du Championnat d'Afrique a rassemblé 138 archers issus de 18 pays, confirmant le niveau relevé de la compétition. Dans ce contexte, la performance des représentantes béninoises témoigne des progrès réalisés par le tir à l'arc national et de la montée en puissance de la discipline sur la scène continentale.
Au-delà de la médaille d'argent, ce résultat renforce les ambitions du Bénin pour les prochaines échéances internationales. Il constitue un encouragement pour la sélection nationale, qui se prépare désormais à participer aux Jeux Olympiques de la Jeunesse Dakar 2026 et aux Jeux Africains du Caire 2027, avec l'objectif de confirmer sa progression au plus haut niveau africain.

F. A. A.

Initial reports from a post-mortem said he had "abrasions on his back and chest", investigators say.

Faced with the rapid growth of online betting platforms, cybersecurity is imposing new standards to protect users and strengthen trust. In the digital age, securing financial transactions and sensitive data is a priority for the entire sector. Continuous innovation in this area helps preserve the integrity of online betting platforms and limit risks for everyone involved.

The digital transformation of gambling brings with it new threats, making cybersecurity more essential than ever. When assessing the stakes for operators, protecting transactions and personal data is a central requirement for maintaining public trust. Professionals are relying on advanced systems to anticipate and counter these risks, while ensuring compliance with new regulations. In France, as in many countries, regulated bookmakers, such as the sports betting site NetBet , are required to do everything possible to ensure the security of online players,whether in terms of data, financial transactions, or information transmitted. The goal is to guarantee a secure environment for their online activities. Cybersecurity is therefore a sector that must constantly adapt to combat increasingly sophisticated cyberattacks and meet the security expectations of users and regulators.

The evolution of the main current cyber threats

Gambling platforms are the target of sophisticated attacks that primarily target user accounts. The reuse of login or the use of phishing techniques allows fraudsters to gain unauthorized access to accounts and steal funds. Among the most widespread attacks, tailored phishing attacks exploit user trust by mimicking the appearance of official websites, leading to the collection of passwords or banking information.

Payment fraud, as well as abusive chargeback requests, also jeopardize the financial stability of operators.

Denial-of-service attacks sometimes overwhelm servers during peak periods, slowing access or causing major. Credential stuffing campaigns, using lists of credentials stolen from other services, specifically target who are careless about reusing passwords. The increasing number of targeted attacks necessitates themaintenance of sophisticated firewalls, constant monitoring of connection logs, and the detection of traffic anomalies.

Technologies protecting digital accounts and identities

Pour contrer ces menaces, de multiples solutions se sont imposées, telles que l'authentification multifacteur etles alertes en cas de connexion inhabituelle. En analysant chaque tentative de connexion, les systèmes automatisés repèrent l'usage d'appareils inconnus ou des comportements suspects, renforçant la détection précoce d'intrusions. La surveillance continue de l'activité permet également de détecter, grâce à l'intelligenceartificielle, des schémas inhabituels ou des accès simultanés suspects depuis plusieurs destinations géographiques.
Les vérifications d'identité, souvent exigées par la réglementation , permettent de réduire l'usurpation en comparant systématiquement les justificatifs fournis. Ces dispositifs visent à protéger non seulement les utilisateurs mais aussi à garantir l'intégrité des flux financiers sur les plateformes. Des solutions de gestion de session, incluant la limitation de durée et la vérification périodique du contexte, ajoutent un niveau de sécurité complémentaire. Enfin, l'utilisation de l'empreinte numérique de l'appareil aide à limiter le risque d'accès non autorisés, même en cas de compromission d'un mot de passe.

Renforcement des paiements et contrôle des transactions

La sécurité des transactions passe par le chiffrement avancé des données échangées entre utilisateurs et plateformes. Les processus de tokenisation masquent les informations sensibles telles que les numéros de carte, limitant les risques en cas d'accès non autorisé. L'authentification forte du client (SCA), notamment via une authentification à double facteur et la validation par code unique, participe à renforcer la sécurité lors des paiements.
La diversification des moyens de paiement, allant du virement traditionnel aux solutions numériques, introduit de nouveaux défis pour les opérateurs. Il devient indispensable de mettre en place des contrôles supplémentaires afin d'assurer la traçabilité et de limiter la fraude sur l'ensemble des flux. La mise en œuvre du protocole 3D Secure pour les paiements par carte, la segmentation des flux de transactions et l'analyse comportementale des opérations en temps réel jouent un rôle clé dans la prévention du blanchiment et la détection d'activités suspectes. Les plateformes établissent des scores de risque pour chaque transaction afin d'identifier cellesnécessitant une vérification approfondie.

Comprendre le rôle de l'analyse de données et de l'infrastructure

L'utilisation d'outils d'analyse de données et de machine learning permet aujourd'hui de repérer rapidement les schémas de fraude, les comportements suspects ou l'usage de robots automatisés sur les plateformes. Ces algorithmes analysent en continu les interactions pour identifier des anomalies qui pourraient compromettre la sécurité collective. Par exemple, la détection de multiples échecs de connexion en peu de temps conduit à un blocage temporaire et à un examen approfondi de l'activité.
In this context, ensuring the robustness of the infrastructure also requires secure hosting solutions, network segmentation, and 24/7 monitoring by specialized operations centers. Regular penetration testing and bug bounty programs provide additional safeguards for quickly remediating any vulnerabilities. A patch management policy must be rigorously implemented to minimize the potential exploitation window for a vulnerability. Activity logs are maintained and analyzed to create audit trails in the event of an incident.

Governance, compliance and user engagement

An effective cybersecurity strategy relies on the responsible retention and logging of data to ensure traceability in the event of an investigation. Data minimization policies limit collection to what is strictly necessary, in with international security and privacy requirements. Platforms adopt the principle of privacy-by-design to ensure that confidentiality is built into the design of tools and services from the outset.
In this context, it is essential to prioritize the use of unique passwords, to be vigilant about links received, and to systematically verify platform addresses before entering your information. Keeping your devices up to date also the risks l associated with known vulnerabilities and fosters a safer online betting environment.
Consistently enabling multi-factor authentication, being wary of unexpected attachments, and raising awareness of digital security are recommended practices to minimize risk exposure for both users and operators. Regularaudits, internal training, and user engagement in incident reporting processes contribute to strengthening the resilience of the industry.

In conclusion

Technological advancements and evolving regulations now form the foundation of today's new online gambling environments. As practices diversify, cybersecurity remains a crucial pillar for maintaining trust and ensuring a secure digital framework for everyone.
This dynamic relies on technical solutions, control processes, and continuous vigilance against evolving threats.
In a sector exposed to diverse risks, the consistency of protective measures helps to limit incidents and preserve the integrity of services

Cinq semaines après son lancement à Abomey-Calavi, la Caravane Manvo Manvo poursuit sa route à travers le Bénin. Plus de 45 villes traversées, 9 départements parcourus, une dizaine de concerts organisés : l'opération de Moov Africa Bénin s'impose comme l'un des rendez-vous marquants des vacances, confirmant à chaque étape l'engagement de l'opérateur envers ses abonnés.

Une dynamique qui ne faiblit pas

Depuis le coup d'envoi du 22 juin dernier, la caravane a maintenu un rythme soutenu, enchaînant les étapes sans jamais perdre de sa fraîcheur ni de son énergie. Dans chaque ville visitée, le même schéma gagnant se répète : accueil et écoute des abonnés en agence, animations de proximité dans les rues, distributions de cadeaux et surprises, visites à domicile pour honorer les clients les plus fidèles. Cette régularité dans l'exécution, ville après ville, département après département, illustre la capacité de Moov Africa Bénin à déployer une opération d'envergure nationale tout en conservant à chaque étape une dimension humaine et personnalisée.

Les concerts, moteur de la mobilisation populaire

Au fil des semaines, les concerts organisés en clôture de chaque étape se sont imposés comme des moments forts très attendus par les populations locales. Une dizaine de scènes ont déjà été montées, donnant à des artistes locaux l'opportunité de se produire devant leur public, souvent pour la première fois dans un cadre aussi structuré. Cette volonté de mettre en lumière les talents de chaque région, affirmée dès la première étape, se confirme donc pleinement à mi-parcours et contribue à faire de la Caravane Manvo Manvo bien plus qu'une simple tournée commerciale : un véritable espace d'expression culturelle locale.

Cap sur la dernière ligne droite

Avec 9 départements déjà couverts sur les 12 que compte le pays, la Caravane Manvo Manvo entre désormais dans sa dernière ligne droite, avant son terme prévu le 16 août prochain. Les étapes à venir (Porto-Novo, Kétou et Cotonou) permettront à Moov Africa Bénin de boucler un tour de force logistique et relationnel unique, confirmant sur l'ensemble du territoire national son positionnement d'opérateur proche de ses abonnés, à l'écoute de leurs attentes et fier de célébrer, ville après ville, celles et ceux qui font vivre son réseau au quotidien.

Quelques images

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The authorities say the ex-sportsman had overstayed his visa and had been arrested multiple times.

In Jabalia, north of the Gaza Strip, children received polio vaccines as part of the vaccination campaign conducted by UNICEF and its partners in 2025. Credit: UNICEF/Mohammed Nateel

By Shuli Wong
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 27 2026 (IPS)

On Monday July 20, a team from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) visited two displacement sites in Gaza where they found two family tents decimated by domestic fires. This incident is indicative of the increasing frequency of domestic fires in Gaza.

Families are resorting to burning waste, cardboard, and trash to help prepare meals following the ban on gas cylinders and cooking stoves from entering Gaza since October 2023. While cooking gas is available, it is only offered in limited quantities and at extremely high prices.

The domestic fire risk in Gaza is situated within a larger, much more dire humanitarian access crisis, as documented in UNICEF’s Humanitarian Situation Update Mid-Year Review. Access restrictions and operational constraints continue to disrupt humanitarian delivery, with only 44 percent of aid trucks from Egypt able to offload between May and June. Severe restrictions remain in place for the entry of fuel, spare parts, and essential materials, which have driven system failures across health and water services. Across the Gaza Strip, an estimated 82 percent of families are water insecure, and nearly 90 percent of water and sanitation infrastructure has been damaged or destroyed.

Violence against civilians has also intensified across Gaza. The UN Human Rights Office reported that Israeli forces killed at least 57 people, including women and children, between July 13th and July 20th.

UN Spokesperson to the Secretary-General Stéphane Dujarric also detailed the aftermath of an Israeli drone strike on July 17th west of the Nuseirat refugee camp, in which seven people were reportedly killed and others injured as the strike coincided with mourners leaving a nearby funeral prayer.

On July 15th, a teacher was injured after being shot by Israeli forces while she was working at a temporary learning space west of Khan Younis. Since the start of 2026, OCHA has reported 26 education-related incidents. These findings echo their Humanitarian Situation Report from July 16th, in which 84 schools are under pending demolition or stop-work orders.

Despite operational constraints and security risks, humanitarian organizations have been working to restore and expand access to education after more than two years of disruption. At the beginning of 2026, UN partners helped 435,000 pre-primary and school-aged children, including 9,300 children with disabilities, access structured learning at 610 temporary learning spaces. Furthermore, 344,000 children received learning materials and 11,000 teachers were supported. UNICEF’s Mid-Year Review reported helping 266,000 children access formal and non-formal education opportunities, which has helped provide children with a sense of normalcy amid the ongoing upheaval and crisis.

Since the ceasefire was reached last October, there have been some improvements and gains in food security and nutrition levels, thanks to expanded humanitarian food, nutrition and agricultural assistance. But those gains are still fragile. UNICEF, the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) and the World Food Programme warned that families are struggling to meet basic needs, and these gains will be reversed without continuous humanitarian aid, funding and investment in recovery in the Gaza Strip. As of now, only one crossing, the Kerem Shalom/Abu Salem crossing in the south of Gaza, remains open for humanitarian assistance. The latest analysis on food security shows that an estimated 1.4 million people, or 67 percent of Gaza’s population, are experiencing crisis or worse levels of food insecurity.

Health and infrastructure remain heavily strained across the Gaza Strip. On July 20th, the Deputy Humanitarian Coordinator Susanne Tkalec met with leadership members of the Emirati Hospital in Rafah to determine solutions to strengthen the medical waste management systems in Gaza amid ongoing health and sanitation system stress.

Despite hospitals being explicitly protected under international humanitarian law, “healthcare workers, patients, ambulances, and hospitals have all been targeted,” said Dr. Javid Abdelmoneim, International President of Médecins Sans Frontières. Dr. Abdelmoneim went on to explain that “whether through direct violence, dismantling the healthcare system or obstructuring humanitarian assistance, inducing famine, weaponising water, causing higher levels of prematurity and mortality among infants and high levels of miscarriage, or denying care… it’s clear: the number one health issue in Palestine is Israel’s occupation.”

Shelter needs across Gaza remain outmatched by supply. In the first ten days of July, UN humanitarian partners provided 2,300 households with bedding items, tarpaulins and tents, and 13,000 families received kitchen sets. However, access to cooking fuel is still severely limited, as noted by the domestic fires. In addition, the supply stockpiles themselves are severely limited, with less than 1,000 tents currently available and only enough essential household supplies to support 7,000 families.

Across the occupied Palestinian territory, UN agencies continue to warn that violence, funding gaps, and access restrictions have created an unprecedented need that continues to outpace what can be delivered in terms of water, healthcare, education, and shelter.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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A view of Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia. Credit: Unsplash/Ekrem Osmanoglu

By Maximilian Malawista
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 27 2026 (IPS)

On Wednesday, July 22, the U.S. Secretary of Energy, Chris Wright, and Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Energy, HRH Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman bin Abdulaziz signed a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement, best known as a 123 agreement, as well as an accompanying bilateral safeguards agreement, according to the U.S. Department of Energy and the Saudi Ministry of Energy.

While the agreement was expected to be submitted to Congress for review, President Donald Trump has conditioned U.S. nuclear cooperation on Riyadh, normalizing relations with Israel in order to receive U.S. nuclear technology. A condition that appears difficult to satisfy given the Kingdom’s hardline stance that it will not normalize relations with Israel until a Palestinian state is established with East Jerusalem as its capital, according to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s de facto leader.

Washington mentions that these two agreements “lay the legal foundation for a decades-long, multi-billion-dollar partnership that advances several priority economic and strategic objectives, including nuclear nonproliferation.” The agreement has a 30-year term.

The 123 agreement, named after Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 – a U.S. federal law – provides the legal framework for long-term civilian nuclear cooperation between the United States and partner countries. The 123 agreement is mandatory before any significant exports of U.S.-origin nuclear material, such as nuclear reactors, nuclear fuel, and other major components can go to any partner.

Saudi Arabia’s nuclear agreement with the U.S. is more than an energy deal. It has the potential to reshape the Kingdom’s relationship with oil, and its geopolitical role in building the Middle East’s next-generation clean-energy infrastructure.

The advent of nuclear energy could also free up the amount of hydrocarbons Saudi Arabia can export. The Kingdom produced 22,744,529.0 TJ of oil and oil products in 2023, having consumed 6.4 million TJ domestically, equivalent to approximately 28 percent of its production. The Kingdom also produced 3,640,348.0 TJ of natural gas, having consumed all of its domestically produced natural gas that year. For reference, 3,600 TJ is equal to 1 TWh.

Expressed in barrels of oil equivalent (boe), Saudi Arabia produced the energy equivalent to 3.72 billion barrels of oil, in oil and oil products in 2023, consuming 1.05 billion barrels of that oil. This indicates that roughly 72 percent of the Kingdom’s oil and oil products, measured in energy terms, are not domestically consumed, leaving a substantial share available for exports and other uses. Saudi Arabia is the world’s second to third largest exporter of oil, producing 11 percent of global demand.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), transport accounts for roughly 30 percent of Saudi Arabia’s final energy consumption, followed by non-energy uses (29.7 percent), industry (19.9 percent), and commercial and public services (11 percent).

Although the pace at which Saudi Arabia can transition away from fossil fuels remains uncertain, nuclear power could gradually reduce domestic oil consumption, freeing up oil for export. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), a reactor can take about five or more years to be built after licensing and regulatory approvals are already completed.

Saudi Arabia’s first nuclear plant is expected to consist of two reactors, each producing around 1.4 GW, bringing the plant to a total capacity of 2.8 GW (2,800 MW). Assuming a 90 percent capacity factor, annual energy generation will be 22.1 TWh per year, nearly five percent of Saudi Arabia’s 431.9 TWh electricity generation.

Although Saudi Arabia’s first nuclear plant would account for only about 5 percent of the Kingdom’s current electricity generation, it would represent an important step toward reducing domestic hydrocarbon consumption in support of the country’s national strategy, Vision 2030.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Student-made posters and artwork line the streets of Jantar Mantar, capturing messages of resistance and hope. Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

By Aishwarya Bajpai
NEW DELHI, Jul 27 2026 (IPS)

On July 25, after 50 days of protest at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned.

The movement had begun in May as a satirical social media page called the Cockroach Janta Party, founded by Abhijeet Dipke after the Chief Justice of India, Surya Kant, used the term “cockroaches” during a Supreme Court hearing, apparently referring to young people with fake law degrees, but his remark sparked a massive public backlash.

Weeks later, the NEET-UG paper (for admission into medical colleges) leaked, and alleged irregularities in the Central Board of Secondary Education on-screen marking process transformed satire into a nationwide campaign.

On June 6, Dipke called for a sit-in protest at Jantar Mantar, demanding Pradhan’s resignation. But by the time the protest entered its seventh week, the movement had outgrown its original demand – and many argue that replacing one minister will not restore faith in an education system battered by paper leaks, administrative failures and growing privatisation.

The crowd reflected that evolution.

Protesters gather at the main stage at Jantar Mantar, where peaceful demonstrations and slogans continued throughout the sit-in. The stage later became the focal point of the movement as education reformer Sonam Wangchuk began his indefinite hunger strike. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

The seat of the protest, Jantar Mantar, had become far more than a student protest. Farmers stood beside parents, young professionals, senior citizens, queer activists and wage labourers. Volunteers distributed food, arranged train tickets for protesters travelling home and coordinated donations. People travelled from across India, while a handful of foreign nationals joined in solidarity. Despite their different backgrounds, they shared one belief — that the crisis threatened the future of public education itself.

Ashutosh Agarwal (centre), national vice-president of the Bharatiya Kisan Union, India’s Youth Wing, stands with colleagues from Meerut in solidarity with the student-led movement. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

The seriousness and urgency are also reflected in the numbers. India has recorded 152 examination paper leaks in the past decade – roughly one every month. In 2026 alone, more than 20 million candidates appeared for NEET-UG, while reports of the leak were followed by the deaths of nearly 20 aspirants by suicide. Yet clearing these examinations offers no certainty. According to the State of Working India 2026 report by Azim Premji University, nearly 40% of graduates aged 15–25 remain unemployed, while unemployment among graduates aged 25–29 stands at 20%. Although the country produced 5 million graduates each year between 2004/05 and 2023, only 2.8 million found employment.

As the protests grew, they also drew support from opposition leaders, public figures and education reformers, expanding the movement beyond student circles.

The turning point came on June 28, when education reformer Sonam Wangchuk joined the sit-in with an indefinite hunger strike. CJP announced a march to Parliament on July 20, the opening day of the Monsoon Session. Later, on 18th July, Delhi Police removed Wangchuk from the protest site and admitted him to Safdarjung Hospital for medical observation, a move his family described as forced hospitalisation against his wishes.

What followed altered the course of the movement.

On July 20, police and the Rapid Action Force dispersed marchers using batons, tear gas, water cannons and pellet guns. Protesters alleged that some lathis were studded with nails, while the RAF’s own chief later admitted that “excessive force” had been used during the operation.

Nazia Khanam (left) and her friend travelled across Delhi to join the protest. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

Instead of dispersing the protesters, however, the crackdown brought more people to Jantar Mantar.

Nineteen-year-old Anshil Khan was among those who returned.

A first-year student at Delhi Skill and Entrepreneurship University, he had spent nearly three weeks at the protest. Four days earlier, he said, police had beaten him while demonstrators were trying to march towards Parliament Street. Even as he spoke, he carried hospital reports documenting his injuries.

“I got hit three times by the Delhi police,” he said. “I have been resting for four days, and today I have come back.”

He recalled crossing two barricades before police stopped the march at the third.

“We were peacefully protesting and only raising slogans of “Inquilab Zindabad” (Long Live Revolution). Nothing violent happened from our side.”

Delhi Police had issued a public advisory before the march stating that no permission had been granted for any procession beyond the designated protest site and later maintained that officers were enforcing prohibitory orders. Officials also said that both protesters and security personnel suffered injuries during the clashes.

For Anshil, however, the police action only strengthened public support.

“The students are coming along with their parents now,” he said, referring to the days following Wangchuk’s detention and the July 20 crackdown.

Anshil Khan, a member of the Students’ Federation of India (SFI), joins fellow protesters at Jantar Mantar. Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

His demands had also evolved.

“Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation is the first step,” he said. “Education is our first priority.”

That sentiment surfaced repeatedly across conversations at Jantar Mantar. Protesters were no longer speaking only about accountability for one minister; they were debating how India’s education system itself should function.

Standing nearby with a placard reading “We are fighting for our rights,” Nazia Khanam had travelled across Delhi to join the demonstration, despite never having been directly affected by an examination scandal.

A law student from Jodhpur interning in the capital, Khanam had successfully cleared the Common Law Admission Test (CLAT). But with her younger sister now preparing for the same examination, she felt she could not remain on the sidelines.

“Being an elder sister of a student who is going to give a competitive exam, it becomes my responsibility,” she said. “Even though I’m not personally affected, I should still come here and raise my voice.”

Unlike many demonstrations driven solely by outrage, Khanam arrived with ideas for reform.

“There should be stricter checks and balances at every bureaucratic level,” she said, referring to agencies such as the National Testing Agency, examination centres and other bodies involved in conducting competitive exams.

She also questioned how education policy is made.

“There should be other stakeholders involved,” she said. “Educators who have done actual groundwork, who know the ground reality, should be part of consultations before policies are formulated like Sonam Wangchuk.”

That conversation had drawn unexpected allies.

Among those standing with the students was Ashutosh Agarwal, National Vice-President of the Bharatiya Kisan Union, India’s youth wing. Before arriving in Delhi, he said, the union had organised meetings across Meerut, Muzaffarnagar and other parts of western Uttar Pradesh to mobilise support for the students.

“We demand one nation, one education,” he said.

For Agarwal, the increasing commercialisation of essential public services was inseparable from the examination crisis.

“We demand the end of privatisation of both education and health,” he said. “Otherwise paper leaks won’t stop.”

He argued that growing corporate influence over private schools, colleges and hospitals had weakened public institutions, making quality education increasingly inaccessible.

Parents had reached a similar conclusion.

Alisha Siddique came to Jantar Mantar thinking about her three children, particularly her daughter pursuing a Bachelor of Science degree. Unlike many protesters, she did not begin with paper leaks. Instead, she pointed to the everyday rules that, in her view, unfairly punish students.

“If students reach one or two minutes late because of an accident or emergency, they are not allowed to sit for the exam,” she said. “Their entire year’s hard work goes to waste.”

For Siddique, the issue was larger than examinations.

“We want our children to become good citizens,” she said. “That starts with good education.”

The examination crisis merely provided the spark for Avinash Kumar, a human rights practitioner and activist who is the former Executive Director of Amnesty International India and the Director of Policy, Research and Campaigns at Oxfam India.

“The constant leaking cauldron of competitive exams provided that cause,” he said. “Yet everyone knows it’s now not just about that.”

According to Kumar, the protests became an outlet for frustrations that had accumulated over years — declining public services, rising costs, increasing privatisation, shrinking civic freedoms and a growing sense that institutions no longer worked for ordinary citizens.

“You need a cause which cuts across classes and masses, age and gender and religion,” he said. “Competitive exams became that cause.”

What struck Kumar most was not just the scale of the demonstrations in Delhi but also the emergence of protests in places that rarely make national headlines.

“My attention was particularly drawn towards mass-scale showings in small unknown towns like Begusarai, Narnaul and Aurangabad,” he said. “All were speaking in one language of years of frustration.”

To him, that distinguished this movement from many previous protests.

Rather than revolving around one organisation or one political leader, it drew strength from multiple voices – student leaders, education reformers, farmers, parents, opposition politicians and ordinary citizens – each contributing from their own experience.

“It is a movement with very different leaders at different points of time,” Kumar said.

Two days after resignation, the protest site is almost empty.

The questions raised over 50 days of protest — about accountability, privatisation, public education and the future promised to India’s youth — remain standing.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Refugees fleeing violence in Ethiopia's Tigray region cross the Tekeze River into Sudan in November 2020. Credit: UNHCR/Hazim Elhag

By Elizabeth Tan
GENEVA, Jul 27 2026 (IPS)

Seventy-five years after the Refugee Convention was opened for signature on 28 July 1951, it remains the foundation of the international refugee protection system and one of the most consequential international legal instruments ever adopted.

Born in the aftermath of the Second World War, it codified a simple but powerful principle: people forced to flee persecution, conflict or violence must be able to find safety and protection.

No society is immune to war, persecution or sudden upheaval. The Convention was built on that universal truth: that people forced to flee must be protected.

Over the past seven and a half decades, it has been a lifeline for people fleeing conflicts and persecution, from post-war Europe and wars of national liberation across Africa, to the Indochina wars and military dictatorships in Latin America, to more recent crises in Afghanistan, Syria, Ukraine and Sudan.

A total of 149 States are parties to the Convention, its 1967 Protocol, or both, making it one of the most widely supported international legal frameworks. Together, the Convention and its Protocol define who is a refugee, set out refugees’ rights, and establish the standards of treatment States have agreed to uphold. The core principle of non-refoulement – prohibiting the return of people to a place where they would face persecution, torture or other serious harm – is recognized under customary international law, which applies to all countries, whether or not they have signed the Convention.

Importantly, the Convention has proven to be a living instrument, retaining its relevance in responding to contemporary challenges. Through evolving State practice, court decisions and guidance from UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, it has supported protection responses to issues such as gender-based persecution, forced recruitment and risks that may be compounded by climate impacts where these intersect with conflict, persecution or other serious harm.

In a world experiencing record levels of crisis and instability – with more than 130 armed conflicts recorded worldwide in 2025, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross – some 41.6 million refugees remained uprooted. Even amid increasingly polarized debate, public support for asylum remains strong, with around two-thirds of people surveyed this year by Ipsos across 29 countries supporting the right of those fleeing war or persecution to seek refuge.

The global asylum system, however, is under strain. Nearly 70 per cent of refugees are hosted by low- and middle-income countries, many of which face their own economic and development challenges. Seven in ten refugees live in exile for five years or more.

Some argue that the Convention is no longer suited to today’s globalized world of mixed movements and overstretched asylum systems. We disagree. The Convention remains the framework that allows States to distinguish those who need international protection from those who do not, while ensuring that no one is returned to persecution, torture or other serious harm. Fair and efficient procedures to determine refugee status, protect refugees, reassure host communities and preserve confidence in asylum. UNHCR is ready to redouble its work with States and partners to ease capacity constraints and ensure decisions are accurate and as swift as possible. Those who do not need refugee protection should not be granted asylum and can be returned, safely and in dignity. That, too, is part of a credible asylum system.

At the same time, border management must remain anchored in protection. We are concerned by practices that restrict access to asylum, including pushbacks, denial of access to territory and forced returns. The Convention provides a framework for States to manage borders while protecting people with a well-defined need for international protection.

These pressures are compounded by severe funding shortfalls. With UNHCR funded at only 31 per cent as of the end of June, essential services for people forced to flee – including extremely vulnerable groups – are being constrained.

Marking the 75th anniversary of the Convention, UNHCR is calling for renewed commitment to the institution of asylum, stronger international cooperation and greater support for refugees and the communities that host them. Through a series of dialogues in 2026 – taking place at local, regional and global levels, and involving governments, civil society, refugees, the private sector and other stakeholders – we are working to identify practical ways to strengthen protection and advance solutions.

Seventy-five years on, the Convention is a test of our collective resolve today to protect those forced to flee and to keep asylum available for those who need it.

Elizabeth Tan is UNHCR’s Director of International Protection and Solutions

IPS UN Bureau

 

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MTN Bénin poursuit son engagement en faveur de l'innovation et de l'entrepreneuriat. À l'occasion de l'édition 2026 de l'Open Day de son Innovation Lab, l'opérateur de télécommunications a dressé le bilan de la première cohorte de startups incubées et lancé officiellement une deuxième promotion, qui bénéficiera d'un accompagnement destiné à transformer des projets innovants en entreprises viables.

A l'occasion, la Directrice générale de MTN Bénin, Uche Ofodile, a mis en avant le potentiel entrepreneurial du Bénin et du continent africain. Elle a souligné que le pays dispose d'une jeunesse créative, porteuse d'idées innovantes, et que le défi consiste désormais à convertir ce potentiel en entreprises capables de répondre aux besoins du marché, de créer des emplois et de contribuer durablement à la croissance économique.
Dans le cadre de cette initiative, MTN Bénin a mené une campagne de prospection à Lokossa, Cotonou et Parakou afin d'identifier les projets les plus prometteurs. À l'issue d'un appel national à candidatures, quinze startups ont été retenues pour suivre un programme de pré-incubation de trois mois axé sur le renforcement de leurs compétences entrepreneuriales et l'amélioration de leurs modèles économiques.

Au terme de cette première étape, cinq startups se sont démarquées selon plusieurs critères, notamment la pertinence de leur solution, la disponibilité d'un produit minimum viable (MVP), l'intégration des technologies numériques et leur potentiel de développement à grande échelle. Elles intégreront ainsi le programme d'incubation du MTN Innovation Lab. Parmi elles figurent Ikenon, qui facilite l'accès au financement des coopératives agricoles, Forga, une plateforme mobile de dépannage multiservices, Locapay, spécialisée dans la recherche immobilière, et Batibid, qui développe des solutions numériques dédiées à la gestion immobilière.
S'adressant aux candidats non retenus, Uche Ofodile les a invités à poursuivre leurs efforts, rappelant que l'innovation repose sur un processus d'apprentissage continu où chaque expérience contribue à la réussite future.
Les startups sélectionnées bénéficieront, durant les cinq prochains mois, d'un accompagnement personnalisé. Selon Aïshatou Pedjo, spécialiste Innovation digitale et Écosystème à MTN Bénin, ce programme comprend l'accès à des infrastructures technologiques, des masterclasses et ateliers animés par des experts nationaux et internationaux, des opportunités de réseautage avec les acteurs de l'écosystème entrepreneurial ainsi que des possibilités de partenariats commerciaux avec MTN Bénin.

De son côté, Yaw Agyapong, Chief Digital & Marketing Officer de MTN Bénin, a salué la détermination des jeunes entrepreneurs et réaffirmé la volonté de l'entreprise de poursuivre ses investissements dans l'innovation. Il a également exprimé sa reconnaissance aux partenaires qui soutiennent cette initiative, notamment le Ministère du Numérique et de la Digitalisation, Sèmè City, Epitech, EtriLab et Future Studio, dont l'appui contribue au renforcement de l'écosystème numérique et entrepreneurial du Bénin.

Le président de la République, Romuald Wadagni a assisté, ce dimanche 26 juillet 2026, sur le Boulevard Lagunaire de Porto-Novo à la Grande Procession des Masques sacrés et profanes, point d'orgue de l'édition 2026 du Festival des Masques. La cérémonie s'est déroulée en présence de la vice-présidente Mariam Chabi Talata, des autorités et autres personnalités.

Romuald Wadagni marque sa présence à la Grande procession des Masques à Porto-Novo. Cette manifestation a réuni les principales traditions masquées du Bénin ainsi que des délégations invitées. Les Zangbéto, Egungun, Gèlèdè, Gounouko, Vodun Hounvè et d'autres masques venus de divers horizons ont offert au public un spectacle mettant en valeur la diversité et la richesse du patrimoine culturel.

Au-delà de son caractère festif, cette grande procession constitue un moment de transmission, de rencontre entre les communautés et de célébration des traditions qui continuent de faire vivre les patrimoines culturels du Bénin.

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A man walks past a sign reading 'unjustly persecuted' featuring journalist José Rubén Zamora, former CICIG lawyer Claudia González and Maya leaders Luis Pacheco and Héctor Chaclan in a Guatemala City, 12 May 2026. Credit: Johan Ordóñez/AFP

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jul 24 2026 (IPS)

José Rubén Zamora, founder of elPeriódico, Guatemala’s now-defunct leading investigative newspaper, spent 1,295 days in detention before a court granted him house arrest on 12 February. He endured long stretches of solitary confinement in a military jail, held in near-constant darkness and subjected to treatment that six UN experts warned could amount to torture. His offence was simply doing his job. For decades, he exposed the corrupt dealings of Guatemala’s economic and political elites. Prosecutors are still trying to send him back to prison.

Police arrested Zamora in July 2022 on a complaint brought by a former banker who was under investigation for financial crimes, following Zamora’s reporting on corruption under then President Alejandro Giammattei. Within months, elPeriódico had shut down following intimidation of its advertisers and criminalisation of its staff. A court convicted Zamora of money laundering in June 2023, and when an appeals court overturned the conviction, a second case kept him in jail anyway. Courts ordered his release several times, and each time appeals chambers reversed those decisions. The Supreme Court transferred a judge who ruled to free him to a court in another part of Guatemala. At least 10 lawyers who took up his defence were forced to abandon it under pressure. Some were prosecuted and jailed.

In May 2024, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention declared Zamora’s detention arbitrary and retaliatory and recommended his immediate release. It took almost two more years for him to be allowed home. In March, the Supreme Court voided the rulings that had returned him to prison, finding they violated due process. The Constitutional Court heard the prosecution’s latest appeal to send him back to jail in June, but has yet to issue its ruling.

The machinery of impunity

Zamora’s ordeal is no aberration; it’s how captured institutions are designed to work. The Guatemalan state has long been in the hands of what Guatemalans call ‘the pact of the corrupt’, a coalition of business leaders, drug traffickers, military officers and politicians that has captured the justice system to guarantee their own impunity. Anyone who threatens that arrangement risks prosecution on fabricated charges, reinforced by coordinated smear campaign. This includes journalists who investigate corruption, judges and prosecutors who pursue it, and Indigenous, land rights and climate activists who mobilise against its consequences. The aim, as a Guatemalan civil society leader put it, is to instil fear so nobody dares question anything. Over 100 people, including around 50 judges and prosecutors, have fled into exile rather than face trumped-up charges.

Because the justice system serves the corrupt pact rather than the law, any serious attempt to dismantle corruption has required external support. In 2006, the UN and the Guatemalan government agreed to establish the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). Over 12 years, CICIG and the Public Prosecutor’s Office investigated over 70 complex criminal structures and brought charges against more than 1,540 people, including former presidents, ministers, members of Congress and business figures. This challenged the perception that the powerful were untouchable.

But success sealed its fate. When CICIG investigated sitting president Jimmy Morales in 2017, he moved to destroy it, refusing to renew its mandate and appointing a compliant attorney general, Consuelo Porras. President Giammattei reappointed Porras, who prosecuted or forced out dozens of judges and prosecutors who had worked with CICIG. She turned the Public Prosecutor’s Office into an instrument of persecution while dismissing 74 per cent of the complaints filed with it without investigating them. By the time her term ended in May, over 40 states had sanctioned her and some associates. The institution built to prosecute crime had become the state’s key tool for committing it.

New president, same system

Guatemalans elected Bernardo Arévalo in 2023 with a mandate to dismantle this system, but the system has consistently tried to disable him. His unexpected win – he scraped into the runoff largely because the establishment had not seen him as a serious enough threat to block – triggered what civil society described as an attempted electoral coup, with spurious legal complaints, raids on his party’s headquarters and at least two credible assassination plots. It took 106 days of peaceful resistance led by Indigenous authorities to ensure he was sworn in.

But taking office was not the same as taking power. Arévalo’s party had only 23 of 160 congressional seats, and its legal status was subsequently cancelled by judicial order. Congress blocked the legislative change that would have allowed him to dismiss Porras, and the Supreme Court, 13 of whose judges were selected in 2024 through a process stacked with candidates tied to corruption networks, refused to lift her immunity. Throughout Arévalo’s term, the Public Prosecutor’s Office continued to criminalise dissent and repeatedly tried to strip Arévalo of immunity.

A narrow window

But Porras’s term eventually expired, and his successor, Gabriel García Luna, a career judge with no ties to corruption networks, has moved quickly, dismissing prosecutors linked to Porras and closing the special prosecutor’s office that fabricated cases against Zamora and many others. His arrival offers the first genuine opening in eight years. But it’s a narrow one. Congress remains in opposition hands, and the Constitutional Court, the Comptroller General’s Office and the electoral authority are all due for renewal this year. Corrupt interests are well placed to exploit these processes to entrench their grip.

Much now depends on whether Arévalo throws his political weight behind García Luna’s efforts to rebuild the institution Porras weaponised, and whether the bodies up for renewal can be kept out of the corrupt pact’s hands. The clearest sign of change will come if Zamora and the dozens of others criminalised for exposing corruption and defending rights no longer face prosecution, and instead their persecutors face justice.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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