Határon túli magyar portálok összesített hírei

Weekly schedule of President António Costa, 1-7 June 2026.

A főképviselőnek az Európai Unió nevében tett nyilatkozata egyes harmadik országoknak a szíriai helyzetre tekintettel hozott korlátozó intézkedésekről szóló 2013/255/KKBP határozat módosításáról szóló, 2026. május 18-i (KKBP) 2026/1105 tanácsi határozathoz, valamint a szíriai helyzetre tekintettel hozott korlátozó intézkedésekről szóló 2013/255/KKBP határozat végrehajtásáról szóló, 2026. május 18-i (KKBP) 2026/1106 tanácsi végrehajtási határozathoz történő csatlakozásáról.

A főképviselőnek az Európai Unió nevében tett nyilatkozata egyes harmadik országoknak az Uniót vagy annak tagállamait fenyegető kibertámadások elleni korlátozó intézkedésekről szóló (KKBP) 2019/797 határozat módosításáról szóló, 2026. május 11-i (KKBP) 2026/1079 tanácsi határozathoz történő csatlakozásáról

Als 1994 die WM erstmals in den USA stattfand, war auch die Nati mit dabei – erstmals nach 28 Jahren. Die Helden von damals blicken zurück – und sagen, was sie ihren Nachfolgern 32 Jahre später zutrauen.

Breel Embolo hat endlich sein US-Visum, um an die WM reisen zu können. Doch jetzt könnte für das dritte Gruppenspiel das nächste Ungemach warten. Man sei in einem «guten Austausch» mit den Behörden in Kanada, heisst es beim Verband.

Das Warten hat ein Ende. Das Visum von Breel Embolo ist genehmigt worden.

Angelica Moser muss sich in der italienischen Hauptstadt einzig einer Britin und einer Australierin geschlagen geben.

US-Präsident Donald Trump will 700 Millionen Dollar in die Kohleindustrie investieren. Mit Notstandsgesetzen plant er Modernisierungen, neue Kraftwerke und den Ausbau von Kohleexporten – vor allem nach Asien.

Bei Liverpool folgt der Spanier Andoni Iraola auf den Holländer Arne Slot.

Immer wieder wundern sich Menschen, warum ihre Wäsche riecht. Sie vermuten, zu wenig Waschmittel verwendet zu haben, oder zu viel Wäsche in die Trommel getan zu haben. Doch ein wichtiges Teil der Waschmaschine wird gern übersehen: die Waschmittelschublade.

Der ukrainische Präsident Wolodimir Selenski fordert in einem offenen Brief Wladimir Putin auf, den Krieg zu beenden. Er schlägt ein Treffen vor – mögliche Orte: Schweiz, Türkei oder arabische Länder.

La route des Balkans reste toujours l'une des principales voies d'accès l'Union européenne, pour les exilés du Proche et du Moyen Orient, d'Afrique ou d'Asie. Alors que les frontières Schengen se ferment, Frontex se déploie dans les Balkans, qui sont toujours un « sas d'accès » à la « forteresse Europe ». Notre fil d'infos en continu.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Albanie, Kosovo, Bulgarie, Questions européennes, Populations, minorités et migrations, Migrants Balkans, Courrier des Balkans, Croatie, Turquie, Grèce, Moldavie, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Slovénie, Roumanie, Serbie, Gratuit, Grèce immigration

This edited volume is the outcome of a scholarly initiative examining the impact of recent geopolitical transformations on the evolution of Turkish foreign policy. At a time when the liberal international order is increasingly contested, great-power rivalry is intensifying, and regional conflicts are reshaping global politics, Turkey has emerged as one of the consequential middle powers in its neighbourhood. The contributions brought together in this collection explore both the regional and sectoral dimensions of Turkish foreign policy, offering a multifaceted assessment of the challenges and opportunities confronting Ankara as it seeks to navigate an increasingly fragmented and uncertain international environment. The essays included in this volume were first presented and discussed in two roundtables organized by Turkey’s International Relations Council (Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi – UİK) and convened by Prof. Sinem Akgül Açıkmeşe at the 67th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association (ISA), held in Columbus, Ohio, from 22 to 25 March 2026.

The contemporary transformation of the international system, marked by the erosion of the liberal international order, the relative decline of U.S. hegemony, and the proliferation of regional conflicts, has elevated the strategic importance of middle powers. Turkey, situated at the intersection of Europe, the Middle East, and Eurasia, has been particularly affected by the wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and Iran, all of which pose significant challenges to its security, economic, and diplomatic interests. Bringing together contributions from leading scholars of Turkish foreign policy, the collection explores both the regional and sectoral dimensions of Turkey’s evolving international role to an increasingly fragmented and multipolar international environment. Several chapters focus on the regional aspects of Turkish foreign policy, analyzing Turkey’s relations with Iran, Russia, the Gulf states, the broader Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, and the Eastern Mediterranean. Other contributions examine key sectoral issues, including the implications of the Iran war for Turkey’s energy policy, defence industry, strategic posture, and mediation capabilities. Taken together, the chapters highlight the opportunities and constraints facing Turkey as it seeks to navigate an increasingly unstable regional and international landscape. The volume argues that Turkey’s future influence will depend on its ability to balance intensifying great-power competition with efforts to promote regional stability, diplomacy, and institutional cooperation. In doing so, it offers broader insights into the evolving role of middle powers in a rapidly changing global order.

Read here the Working paper.

As European Council President Antonio Costa reiterated during his visit to Sarajevo, enlargement is no longer simply an institutional process. It is a geostrategic investment in Europe’s peace, stability and security. Today’s EU–Western Balkans Summit in Tivat, Montenegro, offers an opportunity to move beyond a narrative that focuses exclusively on what the region must do for the European Union and instead recognise what the Western Balkans already contribute to Europe’s future.

The debate on enlargement is often framed around reforms, conditionality and accession benchmarks. These remain important as enlargement is a process governed by rules including democracy, rule of law, human rights and freedom of press and media among others. Yet the changing geopolitical environment requires a broader perspective. The Western Balkans should increasingly be understood not as passive recipients of European support, but as active contributors to European security, defence readiness, economic resilience and strategic autonomy.

ELIAMEP‘s recent work through the think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration initiative demonstrates that the case for enlargement is no longer solely political. It is also strategic, economic and security-driven.

The Western Balkans Are Already Contributing to Europe’s Security

Europe’s debate on enlargement has remained largely disconnected from its debate on defence. Yet the two can no longer be treated separately. The Western Balkans are increasingly evolving from security consumers into security contributors.

Key trends include:

• Defence spending across the region is rising, with most countries meeting or exceeding NATO benchmarks.
• Western Balkan states are modernising their armed forces and increasing interoperability with European and NATO partners.
• The region has provided meaningful support to Ukraine, including military equipment, ammunition and other forms of assistance.
• Western Balkan personnel continue to contribute to EU, NATO and UN missions through specialised units, trainers, medical teams and peacekeepers.

At a time when Europe faces unprecedented security challenges, these contributions demonstrate political commitment, operational reliability and strategic alignment.

Europe’s Defence Readiness Requires the Western Balkans

The war in Ukraine exposed Europe’s shortages in ammunition production, defence-industrial capacity and supply-chain resilience. The Western Balkans offer concrete solutions.

The region hosts approximately 200 defence-related companies and retains significant industrial capacities inherited from the former Yugoslav defence-industrial complex. Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia remain major producers of ammunition and military equipment, while Albania, North Macedonia and others are rebuilding defence-industrial capabilities.

Several strategic advantages stand out:

• Bosnia and Herzegovina possesses substantial artillery shell production capacity with potential for further expansion.
• Regional industries can produce both NATO and Soviet-standard ammunition.
• Production costs are often lower than within the EU.
• Existing facilities can contribute to addressing Europe’s urgent defence-production gaps.

At the same time, non-EU actors are increasingly investing in these sectors. Without stronger European engagement, the EU risks missing an opportunity to integrate the region into its emerging defence ecosystem.

Geography Matters

The Western Balkans are not located on the margins of Europe. They sit at the centre of several critical European transport and security corridors.

The region functions as:

• A land bridge connecting Central Europe, the Eastern flank, Ukraine and the Eastern Mediterranean.
• A key route for military mobility and logistics.
• An important contributor to supply-chain resilience.

In an era where infrastructure, connectivity and mobility have become security issues, the strategic relevance of the Western Balkans has increased significantly.

The Western Balkans Can Strengthen Europe’s Economic Security

The strategic importance of the region extends beyond defence. The Western Balkans possess substantial reserves of critical and strategic raw materials, including copper, aluminium, nickel, antimony, lithium, magnesium, cobalt and rare earth elements. These resources are increasingly important for Europe’s green transition, industrial competitiveness, defence production and economic security.

Yet the current situation reveals a strategic imbalance:

• Raw materials are often exported to China for processing.
• Higher-value products subsequently enter European markets.
• Local value creation remains limited.
• European strategic autonomy remains vulnerable to external dependencies.

A more integrated approach would allow Europe to strengthen supply-chain resilience while supporting economic convergence and industrial development in the region.

Enlargement and Strategic Integration Must Advance Together

The central conclusion emerging from ELIAMEP’s work is straightforward: Europe’s enlargement agenda and Europe’s strategic priorities increasingly overlap.

Whether the issue is defence readiness, military mobility, industrial resilience, critical raw materials, support to Ukraine or supply-chain security, the Western Balkans are already part of the solution. The challenge for the European Union is therefore not whether the region matters strategically, but how quickly existing policies can reflect this reality.

Today’s EU–Western Balkans Summit should reinforce a simple message: enlargement is not only about preparing the Western Balkans for the European Union. It is also about preparing the European Union for the geopolitical realities it faces.

The Western Balkans are not Europe’s periphery. They are an increasingly important part of Europe’s security, resilience and future prosperity. Recognising this reality is essential if enlargement is to fulfil its strategic purpose.

Alors que la guerre en Ukraine redéfinit les priorités stratégiques de l'Union européenne, le sommet UE–Balkans occidentaux, ce vendredi 5 juin à Tivat au Monténégro, vise à prouver que la région reste au cœur du projet d'élargissement. Entre promesses d'intégration progressive et blocages persistants, les attentes restent toutefois limitées.

- Articles / Une - Diaporama - En premier, Une - Diaporama, Courrier des Balkans, Elargissement UE, Albanie, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Kosovo, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Serbie, Questions européennes

MEPs are encouraged by the EU accession-related reforms carried out by Ukraine’s government, and insist Ukrainians should determine the conditions for peace with Russia.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

MEPs are encouraged by the EU accession-related reforms carried out by Ukraine’s government, and insist Ukrainians should determine the conditions for peace with Russia.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

MEPs are encouraged by the EU accession-related reforms carried out by Ukraine’s government, and insist Ukrainians should determine the conditions for peace with Russia.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

After World War II, countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) started from low levels of socioeconomic development. Especially health indicators were worse than in most other world regions. This changed drastically when MENA countries became independent and started to invest into the social protection of citizens against health risks. They built up powerful social health insurance schemes, and today, many of their health indicators are almost on the same level as in Europe or North America. During the 1980s and 1990, however, most MENA governments reduced healthcare spending again as an element of structural adjustment programs, and focused increasingly on health services that are particularly important for the urban upper and middle classes, their main allies in society, but not so much for the poor. Therefore, MENA health systems suffer again from significant deficits regarding fairness, efficiency, and effectiveness. Financial, legal, and geographical obstacles restrict access for large parts of the population. The coexistence of multiple social protection schemes for different population groups reflects and intensifies already existing social inequalities. Deficits in quality and tidiness and the prevalence of informal fees charged for “good” treatment reduce further the value of public health services. Efficiency suffers from irrational prioritizations in fund allocation and from a lack of customer orientation. And the effects of MENA health systems, although not really bad, could still be better, which has become more than obvious during the recent COVID-19 pandemic.

A kétezres évek közepén, elsősorban a nemzeti légitársaságnál uralkodó hangulat miatt már a fiatalabb, kisebb tapasztalattal rendelkező pilótageneráció is szétnézett a nagyvilágban, előrelépési lehetőség után kutatva. Hasonlóképpen gondolkodott Szentgyörgyi Dezső is, aki 2001 óta repült a Malév Boeing 737-es első tisztjeként. A lehetőségek között felbukkant a magyar pilóták által akkor már jól ismert Tajvan és a Boeing 747-es. Szentgyörgyi Dezső történetének második része következik.

Milyen élményt jelentettek számodra a hosszú távú útvonalak?

- Az amerikai gyakorló útvonal lényege a Csendes-óceán északi részének átrepülése volt, aztán már mindegy volt, hogy Vancouverbe vagy Los Angelesbe érkezel. Jót tett az egómnak, amikor harminc évesen, első tisztként először megérkezem Los Angelesbe egy Boeing 747-essel. Akkor én azt is elhittem, hogy a vízen is tudok járni. Los Angeles olyan, hogy két mérföldenként jönnek a gépek, egy Jumbo, egy 737-es, egy Airbus. Az amerikai irányítót nem úgy kell elképzelni, mint az európait, hogy szabvány kifejezésekkel dolgozik, hanem beszélget veled, és közben rágógumizik. Nekem például azt mondta, hogy a „második gurulóút és át a hídon”. Ott ment a gurulóút és alatta az autópálya, én meg életemben először voltam ott, de ő már nem foglalkozott tovább velem, mondta az engedélyt a következőnek. Amikor egyszer valamit nem értettem az időjárásban és rákérdeztem, hogy volna kedves és segítene nekem, a válasza az volt, hogy az nem az ő dolga.

[...] Bővebben!