Cattle ranching drives approximately 78% of Amazon deforestation, yet research often overlooks the differentiated actors and power relations underlying this process. Among 335 articles examining cattle ranching dynamics in the Amazon, this narrative literature review identified 36 studies that enable systematic analysis of the actors, interactions, and logics driving cattle-induced deforestation, in this case through a political ecology framework informed by the coloniality of power perspective. Four main actors occupy distinct positions in territorial appropriation: smallholders function as precarious frontier agents through forced migration and socioeconomic vulnerability; large landowners concentrate land via capital accumulation and institutional capture; investors treat Amazonian land as speculative assets; and armed actors provide coercive enforcement for illegal appropriation. These actors interact asymmetrically through exploitative partnerships, labor arrangements including modern slavery, and institutional capture, enabling wealth concentration. Two contradictory deforestation logics emerge: capital accumulation through cattle laundering, land speculation, and the purchase of improvements from displaced smallholders, versus livelihood reproduction, where structural exclusion forces continuous frontier expansion. The analysis reveals cattle-driven deforestation as a structured dispossession process reproducing colonial patterns, where large landowners deforest disproportionately despite dominant narratives blaming peasant poverty. Critical gaps perpetuate this misunderstanding: Brazilian geographic bias limits pan-Amazonian perspectives, inconsistent smallholder definitions enable elite policy capture, and aggregate studies obscure the agency and power asymmetries driving dispossession. Effective conservation thus requires dismantling structural configurations that enable asymmetric resource appropriation rather than technical interventions treating actors homogeneously.
Cattle ranching drives approximately 78% of Amazon deforestation, yet research often overlooks the differentiated actors and power relations underlying this process. Among 335 articles examining cattle ranching dynamics in the Amazon, this narrative literature review identified 36 studies that enable systematic analysis of the actors, interactions, and logics driving cattle-induced deforestation, in this case through a political ecology framework informed by the coloniality of power perspective. Four main actors occupy distinct positions in territorial appropriation: smallholders function as precarious frontier agents through forced migration and socioeconomic vulnerability; large landowners concentrate land via capital accumulation and institutional capture; investors treat Amazonian land as speculative assets; and armed actors provide coercive enforcement for illegal appropriation. These actors interact asymmetrically through exploitative partnerships, labor arrangements including modern slavery, and institutional capture, enabling wealth concentration. Two contradictory deforestation logics emerge: capital accumulation through cattle laundering, land speculation, and the purchase of improvements from displaced smallholders, versus livelihood reproduction, where structural exclusion forces continuous frontier expansion. The analysis reveals cattle-driven deforestation as a structured dispossession process reproducing colonial patterns, where large landowners deforest disproportionately despite dominant narratives blaming peasant poverty. Critical gaps perpetuate this misunderstanding: Brazilian geographic bias limits pan-Amazonian perspectives, inconsistent smallholder definitions enable elite policy capture, and aggregate studies obscure the agency and power asymmetries driving dispossession. Effective conservation thus requires dismantling structural configurations that enable asymmetric resource appropriation rather than technical interventions treating actors homogeneously.
Artificial intelligence is reshaping trade processes across Asia and the Pacific. However, despite growing interest, most economies have yet to deploy the technology at scale, according to a new study by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). Credit: ESCAP
By ESCAP
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jul 10 2026 (IPS)
Artificial intelligence is reshaping trade processes across Asia and the Pacific. However, despite growing interest, most economies have yet to deploy the technology at scale, according to a new study by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB).
The Asia-Pacific Trade Facilitation Report 2026: Harnessing Artificial Intelligence in Trade Facilitation finds that AI implementation in trade facilitation stands below 15% among economies surveyed, with levels ranging from 1% to 40% across subregions.
AI is increasingly being used in customs and logistics systems across the region, including automated verification of shipping documents, machine learning tools to identify high-risk cargo and image analysis technologies used in border inspections. These applications can help reduce delays, improve compliance and strengthen supply chain resilience as economies face growing trade pressures and more complex regulations.
“The rapid development of AI and machine learning now signals yet another transformation, offering new opportunities to enhance efficiency, compliance, supply chain resilience and digital connectivity,” said Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana, United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of ESCAP.
She added that this transformation is particularly significant as the current global trade landscape faces growing challenges, including geopolitical tensions, increasing regulatory and compliance requirements related to climate risks and sustainability, as well as a persistent digital divide across economies.
Shortages in AI-related skills remain the biggest barrier to wider adoption, followed by high infrastructure costs, fragmented data systems and regulatory uncertainty. While many economies have expanded digital trade systems, gaps remain in data integration, interoperability and operational readiness.
“It is critical to support developing economies in strengthening digital infrastructure, cross-border connectivity, interoperable systems and digital skills to harness the benefits of AI-enabled trade facilitation,” said Fatima Yasmin, Vice-President for Sectors and Themes, Asian Development Bank.
East Asia leads the region in AI readiness across operational deployment, governance frameworks and data quality, while Pacific economies continue to face the largest implementation challenges.
Launched at the Asia-Pacific Trade Facilitation Forum, the report calls for stronger investment in AI-related skills, integrated digital infrastructure and governance frameworks to support secure and efficient digital trade. It also highlights the importance of regional cooperation and cross-border interoperability as trade systems become increasingly data-driven.
For more information: https://www.unescap.org/kp/2026/asia-pacific-trade-facilitation-report-2026-harnessing-artificial-intelligence-trade
IPS UN Bureau
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Cameroon pledged to halve gender-based violence by 2026. That deadline has arrived, and the government has fallen far short. Credit: Shutterstock
By Stacey-Leigh Manuel
BLOOMFIELD, United States, Jul 9 2026 (IPS)
In Cameroon’s Far North region, Adiza, a 57-year-old woman had spent nearly three decades confined to her home by her husband. She was not allowed to leave, receive visitors, or speak with non-family members. When she disobeyed, he beat her.
Rosaline, a 44-year-old hairdresser in the southwestern region, went to work at her hair salon and found all her equipment gone. Her husband of 16 years had sold everything and cancelled the lease without consulting her. He also sold land they had jointly acquired.
These stories are not unique. While some laws exist to protect women, serious legal gaps and weak enforcement leave many women without protection.
A new Human Rights Watch new report, I Live in Constant Peril, examines the prevalence and dynamics of violence against women, particularly domestic violence, how it manifests as economic violence, and the structural discrimination that enables it.
Government awareness campaigns and rhetoric are not enough. The government has failed to reform discriminatory laws, strengthen government institutions to prevent violence, or invest in public services that could help women escape abuse.
A law against domestic violence is essential but alone will not end that violence as long as the broader legal framework continues to grant husbands authority over their wives and treats men as the default owners of marital property.
The most recent official data was collected in 2018, but found that nearly 4 in 10 women and girls in Cameroon who had been in a relationship experienced physical, sexual, psychological and economic violence in their lifetime. The figure rises to 64 percent in Cameroon’s Centre Region, excluding Yaounde. In 2024 Government officials counted at least 77 women killed by current or former partners, and they believe the real number is higher. These figures do not reflect a country where violence against women is being taken seriously.
Cameroon’s Civil Code still designates husbands as the heads of household and primary administrators of marital property. Husbands have the right to decide the family’s place of residence and can stop their wives from seeking employment or running a business in the interest of the family.
In cases we documented, one husband told his wife to quit her job and asked her employer to fire her; multiple husbands ransacked and destroyed the businesses their wives had built themselves claiming the wife didn’t obtain their permission; some confiscated their wife’s earnings, or filled their home with relatives, depleting any profit or savings from the wife’s business.
Women in long-term consensual relationships, commonly known as “cam we stay” or “viens on reste” in Cameroon, discovered that they had no legal protections, and when those relationships ended, that they had no legal standing .
A draft Family Code has remained stalled between ministries for more than 20 years without reaching the National Assembly. Completing it is not a question of complexity but of political will.
Women who report abuse encounter a fragmented system. Poor coordination between government agencies, police, courts and social services creates additional barriers to protection and justice.
Instead of receiving support, women are often told to reconcile, blamed for the abuse, or see cases dismissed when perpetrators have influence. Many stop reporting because they believe doing so will only increase the violence.
Leaving an abusive relationship is far harder for women who are economically dependent on their husbands. Most women in Cameroon work in the informal economy, often in low paid and insecure jobs without contracts and employment protections, while also carrying the bulk of unpaid care and household work. Social security coverage is extremely limited.
This lack of protection has serious consequences. Cameroon inaugurated its first One-Stop Centre for survivors of violence in Yaounde in 2025, but one center is insufficient. Legal aid also remains difficult to access because of lack of information, bureaucracy and delays, corruption risks, leaving many women without a safe path out of abuse.
Over the last 15 years, Cameroon has touted a commitment to reduce gender-based violence, with a 2022 target to cut it in half by 2026. That deadline is now. The government has not come close.
Cameroon pledged to halve gender-based violence by 2026. That deadline has arrived, and the government has fallen far short. It should urgently reform discriminatory laws, adopt the Family Code, establish a coordinated national response to domestic violence, and ensure women can access the services they need to live safely and independently.
Stacey-Leigh Manuel is deputy women’s rights director at Human Rights Watch
Die Monopolkommission hat heute ihr 26. Hauptgutachten dem Bundeswirtschaftsministerium übergeben. Tomaso Duso, Leiter der Abteilung Unternehmen und Märkte im DIW Berlin und Vorsitzender der Monopolkommission, äußert sich dazu wie folgt:
Die Probleme der deutschen Industrie lassen sich nicht mit immer neuen Einzelmaßnahmen lösen. Viele staatliche Eingriffe sind teuer und oft wirkungslos. Stattdessen braucht es starken Wettbewerb und Rahmenbedingungen, die Innovation ermöglichen. Wettbewerb sollte der Kompass für die Wirtschaftspolitik sein – in der Energiepolitik, bei der Förderung von Künstlicher Intelligenz sowie bei anderen Standortfaktoren.
Deutschlands größte Industrieunternehmen wachsen, aber immer seltener in Deutschland. Besonders betroffen ist das verarbeitende Gewerbe. Dass große Industrieunternehmen ihre Wertschöpfung vermehrt im Ausland erzeugen und die Produktivität in Deutschland sinkt, ist ein Warnsignal. Deutschland muss als Standort wieder attraktiver werden. Dazu muss Wirtschaftspolitik Innovationen und neue Technologien fördern, statt auf überkommene Branchen zu setzen.
Die Monopolkommission empfiehlt den Abbau staatlich verursachter Energiekosten, die Stärkung des Technologietransfers aus der Forschung in die Anwendung und eine deutliche Entbürokratisierung. Subventionen für einzelne Branchen oder Unternehmen verzerren oft den Wettbewerb. Sie sollten nur dort eingesetzt werden, wo notwendige Investitionen sonst ausbleiben oder die Transformation der Wirtschaft nicht gelingt — und dann wettbewerbsoffen, transparent und befristet sein sowie regelmäßig evaluiert werden.
Deutschland hat etwa ein Labyrinth branchenspezifischer Stromhilfen aufgebaut: Strompreiskompensation, Industriestrompreissubventionen, Stromsteuersenkungen, Zuschüsse zu Netzentgelten. Es werden vor allem große Verbraucher begünstigt, während kleinere Unternehmen oft leer ausgehen. Die Monopolkommission empfiehlt stattdessen breite Entlastungen, etwa durch die Senkung staatlich geprägter Strompreisbestandteile und vor allem eine höhere Effizienz des gesamten Stromsystems. Hilfen für einzelne Branchen sollten auf eng begründete Ausnahmefälle beschränkt bleiben.
Auch die Anwendung von KI kommt in Deutschland nicht mit der notwendigen Schnelligkeit voran. Die Gründe sind vielfältig – von Trägheit in den Unternehmen über Rechtsunsicherheiten bis zu einem Regulierungsrahmen, der insbesondere kleinere Unternehmen und Start-ups belastet. Problematisch ist, dass im KI-Sektor nach wie vor große Abhängigkeiten von wenigen US-Unternehmen bestehen. Die Monopolkommission spricht sich daher für eine konsequente Durchsetzung des Wettbewerbsrechts und des europäischen Digital Markets Acts aus. Zudem sollte die Regulierung von KI verschlankt und Doppelregulierung vermieden werden.