Határon túli magyar portálok összesített hírei

La route des Balkans reste toujours l'une des principales voies d'accès l'Union européenne, pour les exilés du Proche et du Moyen Orient, d'Afrique ou d'Asie. Alors que les frontières Schengen se ferment, Frontex se déploie dans les Balkans, qui sont toujours un « sas d'accès » à la « forteresse Europe ». Notre fil d'infos en continu.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Albanie, Kosovo, Bulgarie, Questions européennes, Populations, minorités et migrations, Migrants Balkans, Courrier des Balkans, Croatie, Turquie, Grèce, Moldavie, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Slovénie, Roumanie, Serbie, Gratuit, Grèce immigration

This edited volume is the outcome of a scholarly initiative examining the impact of recent geopolitical transformations on the evolution of Turkish foreign policy. At a time when the liberal international order is increasingly contested, great-power rivalry is intensifying, and regional conflicts are reshaping global politics, Turkey has emerged as one of the consequential middle powers in its neighbourhood. The contributions brought together in this collection explore both the regional and sectoral dimensions of Turkish foreign policy, offering a multifaceted assessment of the challenges and opportunities confronting Ankara as it seeks to navigate an increasingly fragmented and uncertain international environment. The essays included in this volume were first presented and discussed in two roundtables organized by Turkey’s International Relations Council (Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi – UİK) and convened by Prof. Sinem Akgül Açıkmeşe at the 67th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association (ISA), held in Columbus, Ohio, from 22 to 25 March 2026.

The contemporary transformation of the international system, marked by the erosion of the liberal international order, the relative decline of U.S. hegemony, and the proliferation of regional conflicts, has elevated the strategic importance of middle powers. Turkey, situated at the intersection of Europe, the Middle East, and Eurasia, has been particularly affected by the wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and Iran, all of which pose significant challenges to its security, economic, and diplomatic interests. Bringing together contributions from leading scholars of Turkish foreign policy, the collection explores both the regional and sectoral dimensions of Turkey’s evolving international role to an increasingly fragmented and multipolar international environment. Several chapters focus on the regional aspects of Turkish foreign policy, analyzing Turkey’s relations with Iran, Russia, the Gulf states, the broader Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, and the Eastern Mediterranean. Other contributions examine key sectoral issues, including the implications of the Iran war for Turkey’s energy policy, defence industry, strategic posture, and mediation capabilities. Taken together, the chapters highlight the opportunities and constraints facing Turkey as it seeks to navigate an increasingly unstable regional and international landscape. The volume argues that Turkey’s future influence will depend on its ability to balance intensifying great-power competition with efforts to promote regional stability, diplomacy, and institutional cooperation. In doing so, it offers broader insights into the evolving role of middle powers in a rapidly changing global order.

Read here the Working paper.

As European Council President Antonio Costa reiterated during his visit to Sarajevo, enlargement is no longer simply an institutional process. It is a geostrategic investment in Europe’s peace, stability and security. Today’s EU–Western Balkans Summit in Tivat, Montenegro, offers an opportunity to move beyond a narrative that focuses exclusively on what the region must do for the European Union and instead recognise what the Western Balkans already contribute to Europe’s future.

The debate on enlargement is often framed around reforms, conditionality and accession benchmarks. These remain important as enlargement is a process governed by rules including democracy, rule of law, human rights and freedom of press and media among others. Yet the changing geopolitical environment requires a broader perspective. The Western Balkans should increasingly be understood not as passive recipients of European support, but as active contributors to European security, defence readiness, economic resilience and strategic autonomy.

ELIAMEP‘s recent work through the think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration initiative demonstrates that the case for enlargement is no longer solely political. It is also strategic, economic and security-driven.

The Western Balkans Are Already Contributing to Europe’s Security

Europe’s debate on enlargement has remained largely disconnected from its debate on defence. Yet the two can no longer be treated separately. The Western Balkans are increasingly evolving from security consumers into security contributors.

Key trends include:

• Defence spending across the region is rising, with most countries meeting or exceeding NATO benchmarks.
• Western Balkan states are modernising their armed forces and increasing interoperability with European and NATO partners.
• The region has provided meaningful support to Ukraine, including military equipment, ammunition and other forms of assistance.
• Western Balkan personnel continue to contribute to EU, NATO and UN missions through specialised units, trainers, medical teams and peacekeepers.

At a time when Europe faces unprecedented security challenges, these contributions demonstrate political commitment, operational reliability and strategic alignment.

Europe’s Defence Readiness Requires the Western Balkans

The war in Ukraine exposed Europe’s shortages in ammunition production, defence-industrial capacity and supply-chain resilience. The Western Balkans offer concrete solutions.

The region hosts approximately 200 defence-related companies and retains significant industrial capacities inherited from the former Yugoslav defence-industrial complex. Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia remain major producers of ammunition and military equipment, while Albania, North Macedonia and others are rebuilding defence-industrial capabilities.

Several strategic advantages stand out:

• Bosnia and Herzegovina possesses substantial artillery shell production capacity with potential for further expansion.
• Regional industries can produce both NATO and Soviet-standard ammunition.
• Production costs are often lower than within the EU.
• Existing facilities can contribute to addressing Europe’s urgent defence-production gaps.

At the same time, non-EU actors are increasingly investing in these sectors. Without stronger European engagement, the EU risks missing an opportunity to integrate the region into its emerging defence ecosystem.

Geography Matters

The Western Balkans are not located on the margins of Europe. They sit at the centre of several critical European transport and security corridors.

The region functions as:

• A land bridge connecting Central Europe, the Eastern flank, Ukraine and the Eastern Mediterranean.
• A key route for military mobility and logistics.
• An important contributor to supply-chain resilience.

In an era where infrastructure, connectivity and mobility have become security issues, the strategic relevance of the Western Balkans has increased significantly.

The Western Balkans Can Strengthen Europe’s Economic Security

The strategic importance of the region extends beyond defence. The Western Balkans possess substantial reserves of critical and strategic raw materials, including copper, aluminium, nickel, antimony, lithium, magnesium, cobalt and rare earth elements. These resources are increasingly important for Europe’s green transition, industrial competitiveness, defence production and economic security.

Yet the current situation reveals a strategic imbalance:

• Raw materials are often exported to China for processing.
• Higher-value products subsequently enter European markets.
• Local value creation remains limited.
• European strategic autonomy remains vulnerable to external dependencies.

A more integrated approach would allow Europe to strengthen supply-chain resilience while supporting economic convergence and industrial development in the region.

Enlargement and Strategic Integration Must Advance Together

The central conclusion emerging from ELIAMEP’s work is straightforward: Europe’s enlargement agenda and Europe’s strategic priorities increasingly overlap.

Whether the issue is defence readiness, military mobility, industrial resilience, critical raw materials, support to Ukraine or supply-chain security, the Western Balkans are already part of the solution. The challenge for the European Union is therefore not whether the region matters strategically, but how quickly existing policies can reflect this reality.

Today’s EU–Western Balkans Summit should reinforce a simple message: enlargement is not only about preparing the Western Balkans for the European Union. It is also about preparing the European Union for the geopolitical realities it faces.

The Western Balkans are not Europe’s periphery. They are an increasingly important part of Europe’s security, resilience and future prosperity. Recognising this reality is essential if enlargement is to fulfil its strategic purpose.

Alors que la guerre en Ukraine redéfinit les priorités stratégiques de l'Union européenne, le sommet UE–Balkans occidentaux, ce vendredi 5 juin à Tivat au Monténégro, vise à prouver que la région reste au cœur du projet d'élargissement. Entre promesses d'intégration progressive et blocages persistants, les attentes restent toutefois limitées.

- Articles / Une - Diaporama - En premier, Une - Diaporama, Courrier des Balkans, Elargissement UE, Albanie, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Kosovo, Macédoine du Nord, Monténégro, Serbie, Questions européennes

MEPs are encouraged by the EU accession-related reforms carried out by Ukraine’s government, and insist Ukrainians should determine the conditions for peace with Russia.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

MEPs are encouraged by the EU accession-related reforms carried out by Ukraine’s government, and insist Ukrainians should determine the conditions for peace with Russia.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

MEPs are encouraged by the EU accession-related reforms carried out by Ukraine’s government, and insist Ukrainians should determine the conditions for peace with Russia.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

After World War II, countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) started from low levels of socioeconomic development. Especially health indicators were worse than in most other world regions. This changed drastically when MENA countries became independent and started to invest into the social protection of citizens against health risks. They built up powerful social health insurance schemes, and today, many of their health indicators are almost on the same level as in Europe or North America. During the 1980s and 1990, however, most MENA governments reduced healthcare spending again as an element of structural adjustment programs, and focused increasingly on health services that are particularly important for the urban upper and middle classes, their main allies in society, but not so much for the poor. Therefore, MENA health systems suffer again from significant deficits regarding fairness, efficiency, and effectiveness. Financial, legal, and geographical obstacles restrict access for large parts of the population. The coexistence of multiple social protection schemes for different population groups reflects and intensifies already existing social inequalities. Deficits in quality and tidiness and the prevalence of informal fees charged for “good” treatment reduce further the value of public health services. Efficiency suffers from irrational prioritizations in fund allocation and from a lack of customer orientation. And the effects of MENA health systems, although not really bad, could still be better, which has become more than obvious during the recent COVID-19 pandemic.

A kétezres évek közepén, elsősorban a nemzeti légitársaságnál uralkodó hangulat miatt már a fiatalabb, kisebb tapasztalattal rendelkező pilótageneráció is szétnézett a nagyvilágban, előrelépési lehetőség után kutatva. Hasonlóképpen gondolkodott Szentgyörgyi Dezső is, aki 2001 óta repült a Malév Boeing 737-es első tisztjeként. A lehetőségek között felbukkant a magyar pilóták által akkor már jól ismert Tajvan és a Boeing 747-es. Szentgyörgyi Dezső történetének második része következik.

Milyen élményt jelentettek számodra a hosszú távú útvonalak?

- Az amerikai gyakorló útvonal lényege a Csendes-óceán északi részének átrepülése volt, aztán már mindegy volt, hogy Vancouverbe vagy Los Angelesbe érkezel. Jót tett az egómnak, amikor harminc évesen, első tisztként először megérkezem Los Angelesbe egy Boeing 747-essel. Akkor én azt is elhittem, hogy a vízen is tudok járni. Los Angeles olyan, hogy két mérföldenként jönnek a gépek, egy Jumbo, egy 737-es, egy Airbus. Az amerikai irányítót nem úgy kell elképzelni, mint az európait, hogy szabvány kifejezésekkel dolgozik, hanem beszélget veled, és közben rágógumizik. Nekem például azt mondta, hogy a „második gurulóút és át a hídon”. Ott ment a gurulóút és alatta az autópálya, én meg életemben először voltam ott, de ő már nem foglalkozott tovább velem, mondta az engedélyt a következőnek. Amikor egyszer valamit nem értettem az időjárásban és rákérdeztem, hogy volna kedves és segítene nekem, a válasza az volt, hogy az nem az ő dolga.

[...] Bővebben!

On Monday, Parliament and Council negotiators agreed provisionally on changes to EU policy on the return of non-EU nationals staying illegally in the EU.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

On Monday, Parliament and Council negotiators agreed provisionally on changes to EU policy on the return of non-EU nationals staying illegally in the EU.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

On Monday, Parliament and Council negotiators agreed provisionally on changes to EU policy on the return of non-EU nationals staying illegally in the EU.
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Bonn, 1. Juni 2026. Das Inkrafttreten des UN-Hochseeschutzabkommens im Januar stärkt die multilaterale Zusammenarbeit im Bereich der Ozeane. Gleichzeitig gefährden geopolitische Entwicklungen die Ziele der UN-Ozeandekade.

Am UN-Welttag der Ozeane steht der Ozean im Zentrum eines Paradoxons. Das Inkrafttreten des Hochseeabkommens (oder BBNJ-Abkommen) am 17. Januar markierte nach zwei Jahrzehnten der Verhandlungen einen seltenen Erfolg multilateraler Zusammenarbeit: Es verleiht dem Schutz der biologischen Vielfalt und dem gerechten Vorteilsausgleich jenseits nationaler Hoheitsgewalt neues politisches Gewicht. Zugleich dominieren weiterhin archaische Narrative zur Rohstoffgewinnung, militärischen Sicherheit und territorialen Kontrolle die Betrachtung der Ozeane.

Auf den ersten Blick haben Kalaallit Nunaat/Grönland und die Straße von Hormus wenig gemeinsam. Das eine wird als arktische „Grenze“ mit schmelzendem Eis, mineralischen Ressourcen, indigener Souveränität und Großmachtrivalität imaginiert. Das andere gilt als maritimes „Nadelöhr“ – als schmaler Korridor, in dem Energievorräte, Ernährungssicherheit, Schifffahrt und militärische Bedrohungen aufeinandertreffen. Beide Betrachtungen reduzieren diese Räume auf die Kontrolle kritischer Ressourcen und strategische Zugänge.

Dies als geopolitisches Phänomen zu betrachten, greift zu kurz: Der Meeresraum wird als Infrastruktur und politisches Druckmittel neu geordnet. In Kalaallit Nunaat überlagert der Diskurs über die ökonomischen Chancen der Arktis die Auseinandersetzung mit den Selbstbestimmungsrechten der indigenen Bevölkerung und globalen Umweltbelangen. In Hormus verschärft die Blockade der Meerenge die prekären Arbeitsbedingungen von Seeleuten und hat globale Folgen, die Haushalte in der Golfregion und weit darüber hinaus treffen. Während die multilaterale Zusammenarbeit im Bereich der Ozeane an Fahrt gewinnt, kehrt die Meerespolitik zu vertrauten Mustern zurück: Militarisierung, Kontrolle von Seewegen und Ressourcengier werden gerechtfertigt mit Sorgen über strategische Bedrohungen.

Globale Meerespolitik zwischen Korridorlogik und planetarischem Denken

In der Meerespolitik galt die Hohe See lange als offener Raum, geprägt vom Spannungsverhältnis zwischen freier Bewegung und Begrenzung. Doch diese Freiheit war nie universell. Uneingeschränkte Bewegungsfreiheit hat es nie gegeben. Über Jahrtausende prägten ausgehandelte Zugangsrechte und Besteuerung maritime Ordnungen, aus denen eine „Korridorlogik“ entstand, in der Mobilität auf asymmetrischen Beziehungen beruht. In der Arktis befördert das schmelzende Eis einen „Ressourcenoptimismus“ und geostrategische Überlegungen, die die Einbettung der Region in globale gesellschaftliche und ökologische Transformationen und deren Auswirkungen auf die rund vier Millionen dort lebenden Menschen kaum berücksichtigen.

Das UN-Seerechtsübereinkommen (UNCLOS), das den rechtlichen Rahmen für alle maritimen und meeresbezogenen Aktivitäten bildet, galt als für die 1990er Jahre ungewöhnlich weitreichende Form planetarischen Denkens. Allerdings verfestigte es auch Trennungen, die zunehmend infrage gestellt werden: zwischen Oberfläche und Tiefe, Wassersäule und Meeresboden, Schifffahrtswegen und Fischgründen, Unterseekabelrouten und Militärzonen. Die verfassungspolitische Debatte in Chile um das „Maritorio“ versteht das Meer hingegen als lebendiges Territorium. Indigene, die die Arktis als ihre Heimat bezeichnen und die erneute Aufmerksamkeit für afro-asiatische maritime Verflechtungen erinnern daran, dass Meerespolitik nie allein in den Händen konventioneller Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsakteure lag. Über wissenschaftspolitische Plattformen wie die UN-Ozeandekade hinaus wird die neue regionale Meerespolitik so zunehmend von Fragen zu Erbe, Erinnerung und den asymmetrischen Abhängigkeiten geprägt, die scheinbar getrennte maritime Räume miteinander verbinden. Dadurch werden auch die Gründe hinterfragt, warum das Meer für Kapital, Energie, Rohstoffe, Daten und militärische Mobilität offen bleibt, Schifffahrtswege und Energiekorridore aber gesichert und Migrationsrouten kriminalisiert werden.

Zusammenarbeit im Bereich der Ozeane muss daher auch die Kosten der Aufrechterhaltung bestehender Systeme in den Blick nehmen. Sie erfordert eine Auseinandersetzung mit dem marinen Transit- und Zugangsregime – nicht nur als Bewegung über das Meer, sondern auch im Hinblick auf Arbeit, ökologische Überlebensbedingungen und die Lebenswelten, die den Ozean zu mehr als einer bloßen Route machen.

Wohin steuert die globale Meerespolitik?

Die globale Meerespolitik erfordert eine kritischere Auseinandersetzung mit den Verbindungen von Land- und Meeresräumen und geopolitischem Denken in Korridoren und Grenzräumen, sowie die Stärkung planetarischer Perspektiven. Die Diskussion über den möglichen Standort des BBNJ-Sekretariats in China zeigt, dass das BBNJ zudem eine hervorragende Gelegenheit bietet, um die globale Zusammenarbeit zu erneuern. Neben höheren Investitionen in kritisches Meereswissen, wie es die UN-Ozeandekade vorsieht, braucht es eine mutige politische Führung, die anerkennt, dass Meeresräume und maritime Dynamiken für Energiesicherheit, Ernährungssysteme, Klimaschutz und Lebensgrundlagen entscheidend sind. Der damit verbundene Reflexionsprozess ist eine Möglichkeit, die globale Zusammenarbeit im Bereich der Ozeane neu zu denken und politische Strukturen zur Bewältigung kollektiver Herausforderungen neu zu gestalten, in denen die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Menschen, Meereslebewesen, Infrastrukturen, Märkten und unseren Lebensräumen anerkannt werden.

This chapter describes science-policy interfaces (SPIs) as an opportunity to support sustainable development by bridging the knowledge-action gap and fostering evidence-based policies. The biggest challenges of sustainable development presented and discussed in previous chapters, including climate change, biodiversity loss, environmental injustice, and pandemics, are growing increasingly complex and uncertain. It has long been argued that for public interventions, such as policies, to more effectively address such problems and enhance sustainable development, structured evidence-based advice is needed.
Based on examples and theoretical knowledge from the literature, the chapter demonstrates how SPIs have the potential to fill knowledge gaps and foster concerted action on complex sustainability problems, specifically related to the environmental dimensions of sustainable development. Examples of prominent SPIs at the global scale are the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES), which we explore in depth later in the chapter.
The chapter also presents the scholarly discourse on the effectiveness of SPIs in brief, emphasising the importance of being aware of the benefits and limitations of SPIs and different models of formalised knowledge co-production. While many scholars advocate for a co-production model over a linear model, the literature agrees that there is no ‘one-size-fits-all’ solution for facilitating interactions and coordination between knowledge holders, policymakers, and other stakeholders to effectively enhance sustainable development and synergies between interventions. When talking about sustainable development, social-political contexts need to be considered because sustainability issues are inherently interlinked and political, as reiterated in previous chapters. This chapter emphasises that effective science-policy engagement requires a two-way, iterative knowledge exchange. This approach is essential for operationalising a co-production model that incorporates diverse perspectives and knowledge systems—an indispensable factor in addressing the complex, interlinked challenges of sustainable development. Building on the previous chapter’s exploration of the growing significance of science-policy interactions in sustainable development, we want to offer a behind-the-scenes perspective on the dynamics of major intergovernmental organisations shaping the science-policy interface.

Les électeurs du Kosovo retournent aux urnes le 7 juin, pour les troisièmes législatives en 18 mois. Aucune sortie de crise n'est assurée, car il faudra une majorité des deux-tiers au sein du Parlement pour élire le nouveau chef de l'État. Vetëvendosje espère un plébiscite mais, à défaut, évoque déjà la possibilité d'un nouveau scrutin à l'automne...

- Articles / Kosovo, Politique, Kosovo Vetëvendosje, Radio Slobodna Evropa

Extraordinary meeting of the International Trade Committee and joint meeting with the Internal Market Committee and the Industry Committee. Both on Tuesday 2 June
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Extraordinary meeting of the International Trade Committee and joint meeting with the Internal Market Committee and the Industry Committee. Both on Tuesday 2 June
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Extraordinary meeting of the International Trade Committee and joint meeting with the Internal Market Committee and the Industry Committee. Both on Tuesday 2 June
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

L'exposition, issue des collections du Musée de la République Serbe et du Musée ethnographique de Belgrade, est le fruit du travail de Danijela Đukanović, conseillère de musée et ethnologue au Musée de la République Serbe, et de Mirjana Kraguljac Ilić, conservatrice principale et ethnologue au Musée ethnographique de Belgrade. Ce projet représente une initiative commune de deux institutions centrales de la République de Serbie et de la République Serbe, engagées dans la préservation du (…)

- Agenda / Serbie, Région parisienne

Vendredi 29 mai 2026 à 18 heures à l'amphithéâtre 117 du campus Malesherbes (108, boulevard Malesherbes 75017 Paris).

- Agenda / Région parisienne, Roumanie