European Union

A British-Australian couple living in a secluded forest in the central Italian mountain region of Abruzzo without access to electricity, gas or running water has lost custody of their children. The eight-year-old daughter and six-year-old twins were taught by a private tutor. Italian commentators weigh in.

Abgeordnete der Sozialdemokraten, der liberalen Renew, der Grünen und der Linken werfen den konservativen und rechtspopulistischen Kollegen vor, eine Kampagne gegen zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen zu führen.

Germany, France, and Italy lead a group of six countries urging other capitals to oppose the Commission's ambitions for the Digital Networks Act

Poland is the only European country to have a consulate in Siberia

Die EU ist gerade dabei, ihr Migrations- und Asylsystem grundlegend neu zu ordnen. Der Kommissar wirbt in seinen ersten 100 Amtstagen für strengere Rückführungsregeln.

In today's edition: Pharma Package, tobacco and Europe's silent HIV crisis

In this chapter we draw on our research with displaced people, conflict, violence, gender, and humanitarian aid between 2006 and 2024 in different African countries, which we conducted separately but were brought together by these shared research interests. We address the nexus between conflict, peace, and forced migration using examples from Africa. We situate the discussion within the precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial eras, which we take not as mere footnotes but as salient periods in the continent’s history that have influenced current conflicts and forced displacement in Africa. We therefore emphasize the role of history in understanding contemporary conflicts and forced migration on the continent. In doing so, we critique Western research perspectives on forms of violence and their ahistorical explanations of contemporary violent conflicts in Africa. We explain the role of colonial borders not only in engendering conflict but also in creating structural obstacles for refugees to contribute to transformation in countries of origin. We also critique the separation of peacebuilding in the countries of origin from refugee protection in host countries and highlight this as a limitation of global (i.e., Western) perspectives on peacebuilding.

The bloc should urgently rethink its testing strategies, warned the ECDC

Europe’s industrial base is at risk of collapse. Out of 18 sectors analyzed, only aerospace/defence remains competitive. Automotive, steel, chemicals, telecom, solar—all are losing ground to global rivals.  This is not fate; it is the result of corporate and political choices, from the creation of global overcapacities to austerity measures. This is the stark message […]

The first CAP simplification package followed a wave of farmer protests across the EU and was deemed politically urgent by the Commission

Plus Omnibus compromise, a sneak-peek on Monday's defence Foreign Affairs Council, and dispatches from the European Space Agency summit in Bremen

In today's edition: Donazzan's Space Act, CSAM file moves, Shein RFI

The world is moving away from a single, post-2000 consensus around multilateralism and poverty reduction. What replaces it depends on which coalition wins the argument, and then bakes that argument into institutions and finance. So what are the visions for the global development architecture in 2030 that we see? One is ‘Aid Retrenchment with Nationalist Conditionality’. Assistance is folded into foreign, trade, and interior policy. Grants shrink, multilateral agencies are sidelined, and cooperation becomes bilateral deals tied to migration control, geopolitical alignment, or access to minerals. Rights, gender, and climate justice recede. A second world is ‘Strategic Multilateralism’. The multilateral development banks stay central, but their remit narrows to macro-stability, crisis response, and “risk containment”. Concessional finance is rationed to countries seen as fragile or geostrategic. Aid rhetoric turns technocratic and securitised and health framed as biosecurity. A third vision is ‘Pluralist Development Cooperation’. There is no single system, but many partially overlapping regimes: Chinese, Indian, Gulf, regional, and club initiatives. Low and middle income countries gain bargaining space by choosing across offers. The trade-off is fragmentation. Rules on debt workouts, safeguards, and transparency diverge, and global public goods struggle for predictable funding. Finally, a fourth vision is ‘Global Solidarity 2.0’. Development cooperation is rebuilt around shared risks such as climate stability, pandemics, antimicrobial resistance, and debt contagion. North and South co-lead a pooled Global Public Goods Facility. Contributions reflect income and carbon profile, and access reflects exposure to cross-border risk. The donor-recipient binary fades, even if frictions persist.

Heßler v Commission
Staff Regulations of Officials
EU officials: entitlement to a tax abatement for a child receiving training ends at the latest on the child’s 26th birthday

Thursday 27 November

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